الثلاثاء، 9 يناير 2024

Foreword Written by: Professor Dr. Ibrahim Khalil Al-Allaf for the book (The Struggle of Genes in the Land of the Arabs) by



Foreword

                                          Written by: Professor Dr. Ibrahim Khalil Al-Allaf

                                  Experienced Professor of Modern History - University of Mosul.IRAQ

 

How happy and joyful I was when Mr. Abdullah Salem Al-Jubouri called me by phone to ask me to write an introduction to his new book entitled (The Struggle of Genes in the Land of the Arabs). I immediately agreed for two reasons. The first is that I know him personally as a writer, novelist, researcher, and jurist. The second reason is that he is a writer. He is a historian who published a number of books, including his encyclopedic book on (the history and lineage of the Jabour tribe), which is in ten volumes. This is in addition to his books, collections of short stories, novels, and collections of poetry.

The topic (genes and the struggle of genes), and what is related to the Arabism of Iraq, is a topic that caught my attention. I said that the brother, Professor Abdullah Salem Al-Jubouri, must bring us something new. I returned to a decades-old dialogue that took place between me, when I was head of the History Department at the College of Education - University of Mosul from 1980-1995, and the late brother and friend, Professor Dr. Khader Jassim Al-Douri, who was the dean of the college, and the basis of the dialogue was that I was starting it. With certainty, I assume that all people are good until some of them prove to me the opposite. The late Professor Dr. Al-Douri used to say, “I do not assume that all people are good, because I begin with doubt and end with certainty. Not all people are good until they prove the opposite.”

Now I have discovered that Professor Dr. Khader Jassim Al-Douri’s statement is the most accurate; A person must begin to doubt that not every human being is good, and that the genes that every human being carries have a role in his genetic makeup, and what we feel, feel, or perceive has a relationship to what the father, grandfather, and great-grandfather carried. Yes, what we learned or tasted may have a role, but genes still have the final say. The genetic makeup and DNA that we inherited is what determines our taste, inclinations, or even political orientations. It is a strange thing that the father was a Marxist fifty years ago, and now his son sympathizes with Marxist thought. Likewise, I am a nationalist Arabist, and I found that my children, like me, have nationalist Arabist orientations.

It is funny that I once read about genes, and I learned that genes are largely responsible for people’s differences in their tendency to love nature, enjoy its embrace, and passion for the chirping of birds and the chirping of nightingales, just as they are responsible for their difference or similarity in appearance, image, and psychology.

A strange thing I want to remind the reader of is that the one who laid the foundations of education in Iraq since the twenties of the last century, and at the founding of the modern Iraqi state, was the educator and thinker, Professor Sati’ al-Husri (died in 1968). He assumed the administration of education since 1921, and when the May 1941 movement took place under the leadership of the four colonels and Rashid Ali al-Kilani, the young Iraqi army clashed with the British military forces, and Iraq was occupied. The British expelled Professor Sati’ al-Husri, stripped him of his Iraqi nationality, and told him that you are responsible for the existence of a nationalist Arab generation that hates the English.

When the Americans occupied Iraq on April 9, 2003, one of the post-occupation men stood up to denounce the Arabs and say that we were their firewood, but they were ours, meaning the Iraqis were the firewood carriers.

They went to cancel a paragraph in the constitution that says that Iraq is part of the Arab nation. In other words, Iraq is a member of the League of Arab States, and there is a difference between the two articles.

Some writers began to describe those who wrote about nationalism and Arabism as nationalists and nationalists. Over time, the voice of these people faded and they became ashamed of what they had done when they called for help from the Americans to occupy their great country, Iraq, and destroy it.

The colonialists, the Zionists, the imperialists, and the entire West have stood and have been standing for 200 years against the rise of the Arabs, and the matter does not stop there. Rather, they aim to tear the Arab nation apart and encourage the Islamists to replace nationalist thought and even replace liberal thought, progressive thought, and renaissance thought.

Therefore, it is not strange that it fuels religious conflicts, national conflicts, ethnic conflicts, sectarian conflicts, urban conflicts, regional conflicts, and every conflict that divides the nation. The author discussed all of this in his book, even though we know that when we say Arab nationalism or the Arab nation, we do not mean race, ethnicity, or blood, but rather language. History, common feelings and common interests.

Also, what the author focused on is that the powers controlling the world are trying to attack social structures, destroy the social fabric, and encourage the destruction of history, its symbols, and the questioning of origins, even though the Arabic language and Arab culture were what brought together Arabs and non-Arabs. Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi, although he was an Iraqi Kurd, defended the nation, and Tariq bin Ziyad, although he was a Berber Berber, but he defended the nation. The same applies to Abd al-Basit Abd al-Samad, the famous reciter of the Qur’an and the prince of poets, Ahmad Shawqi, Muhammad Kurd Ali, head of the Arabic Language Academy in Damascus, and Mahmoud Taymur, among others. These people were not Arabs by blood, but rather they believed in the nation and worked for it, which gave them a history.

The book - says its author - is directed to the Iraqi reader, and it is a book on history in a political guise, and I - as a historian - say that Iraq has not witnessed sectarianism in its history, nor has it witnessed ethnicity, nor has it witnessed regionalism, nor has it witnessed regionalism. The great revolution of 1920, which laid the foundations of the modern Iraqi state, was the revolution of all Iraqis from the north of Zakho to the south of Al-Faw. Everyone participated in it, I mean all names, and now the people of Iraq are proud of it and show off its symbols in all Iraqi cities and countrysides.

Here I say that Iraqi culture, since the founding of the modern Iraqi state in 1921, has been a moderate culture. There was Arabic poetry, Kurdish poetry, and Turkmen poetry. There was the story, the novel, and the contemporary historical school. There was no distinction. We did not ask whether Al-Sayyab was a Sunni or a Shiite. We did not ask whether Al-Jawahri was a Shiite or not. Sunni, Dr. Ali Al-Wardi was Dr. Saleh Ahmed Al-Ali, and Dr. Mahdi Al-Makhzoumi was. I swear I was a student in the History Department at the College of Education - University of Baghdad 1964-1968. I do not know sectarianism, religion, or... Or the race or nationality of this professor and that professor.

Education is important and necessary, and how much we need to rearrange the papers of education and distance it from everything that distinguishes or divides. The Iraqi scene must show us, others, and the whole world an Iraqi scene in which all segments of society and its beautiful spectrums participate in its formation.

What made me happy and delighted in the book was its follow-up of the Arabs, Shiites and Sunnis, at the tribal level in Iraq and the Arab countries, and pointing out the departures of those tribes and the accumulation of their role in construction, urbanization, politics, and culture through their symbols, which confirms the correctness of the idea of Arabism and its sovereignty throughout the great Arab homeland. It is funny and useful that the author did not hesitate to mention much of what was said and fabricated in terms of the contributions of segments of Iraqi society, including Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, and all Iraqis, in rebuilding the state, the army, education, and society on national foundations, which reduced the space for those who wanted to fish in troubled waters and serve agendas. A suspicious foreigner.

I agree with the author on some of his theses, and he agreed.. It does not matter. I just say that the man works hard, and if he is correct, he will have two rewards, and if he is wrong, he will have the reward for his effort. I wish him success.


 

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